Wednesday, June 28, 2017

الحصاد-محمد دحلان.. يد الإمارات الإقليمية


بلا حدود-علي بن صميخ المري

UAE ambassador: 'We do not promote idea of press freedom'

UAE ambassador to Russia, Omar Gobash, said the expulsion of Qatar from the GCC was 'not the only sanction available'

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An Emirati diplomat has justified demands that Qatar closes the Al Jazeera and other media organisations it "supports" by saying that the UAE does not back a free press.
His comments come as a senior UN official said that the demand represents a "serious threat to media freedom" and called on international governments to "not pursue" it.
United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Egypt have undertaken an economic and transport blockade of Qatar and have tabled 13 demands that they say must be met if the blockade is to be lifted.
We do not promote the idea of press freedom. What we talk about is responsibility in speech
- Omar Ghobash, UAE ambassador to Russia
They include the severing of ties with the Muslim Brotherhood which they describe as a "terrorist” organisation and ending military cooperation with Turkey.
Omar Ghobash, the UAE's ambassador to Russia, said in an interview "We do not claim to have press freedom. We do not promote the idea of press freedom. What we talk about is responsibility in speech."
"Freedom of speech has different constraints in different places. Speech in our part of the world has a particular context, and that context can go from peaceful to violent in no time simply because of words that are spoken.”
Ghobash also said that the countries imposing the blockade are considering sanctioning those countries that continue to trade with Qatar.
But David Kaye, the UN's Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression said: “This demand represents a serious threat to media freedom if States, under the pretext of a diplomatic crisis, take measures to force the dismantling of Al-Jazeera.”
Mr. Kaye said everyone’s right to access information was deeply affected when the safety and the freedom of the media was not secured.
“I call on the international community to urge these governments not to pursue this demand against Qatar, to resist taking steps to censor media in their own territory and regionally, and to encourage support for independent media in the Middle East,” he said.
"One possibility would be to impose conditions on our own trading partners and say you want to work with us then you have got to make a commercial choice."
Ghobash who was interviewed in London by the Guardian said that the coalition were not considering a military intervention but that he understood that their position could push Qatar into a closer relationship with Iran.
"We can escalate with more information, because we are not going to escalate militarily. That is not the way we are looking at things,” he said

'This is not bullying'

He said he understood there was a risk that Qatar was being forced into a closer relationship with Iran. "We are asking Qatar to make a choice and we realise they may choose to take the route to Iran, and we are willing to accept the consequences of that.”
He also said that the UAE would itself abide by a monitoring group it had called to be imposed on Qatar, which would allow Western countries to monitor its supposed funding of "terrorist” organisations.
"Yes we are making demands of Qatar, but it is very important to realise that we are imposing the same standards on ourselves," he said.
"So if we are to ask for the monitoring of Qatari financial transactions and its funding of terrorism then we would be open to the same idea. This is not bullying. This is demanding a higher standard throughout the whole region.
"We have nothing to hide ourselves so we are willing to meet the same standards we are asking Qatar. The West has traditionally complained of a lack of financial transparency in the region, and there must be a huge amount that the West can do to monitor what is happening.”
His comments come as Qatar responded to Saudi insistence that the demands are non-negotiable.
Qatar’s foreign minister, Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani, speaking from Washington where he held talks with US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, said:
"This is contrary to the principles that govern international relations because you can't just present lists of demands and refuse to negotiate," he said.
His Saudi counterpart Adel al-Jubeir, had said on Twitter: "Our demands on Qatar are non-negotiable. It's now up to Qatar to end its support for extremism and terrorism."

Crown Prince of UAE asked Americans to bomb Al Jazeera headquarters Wikileaks reveals

Image of the Crown Prince of UAE Mohamed bin Zayed Al-Nahyan [Roya News English/Facebook]
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The Crown Prince of the UAE Mohamed bin Zayed Al-Nahyan asked the Americans to bomb the headquarters of Al Jazeera during the US war on Afghanistan, revealed yesterday.
According to the document bin Zayed spoke about a meeting between his father and the former Qatari Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani.
The same document also revealed that Bin Zayed had advised the Americans not to have journalists accompany them during the first attack on Afghanistan so they could not report civilian victims.
In addition, the document revealed a meeting between bin Zayed and the US diplomat Richard Haas two months before the war on Iraq. Bin Zayed offered information to the Americans about Iraq and how to contain the anger people in the Arab world felt about this war.
The document revealed that bin Zayed called on the Americans to put more pressure in Qatar to rein in Al Jazeera’s coverage.

Emad Hajjaj's Cartoon

الحل السياسي للازمات العربية

أنور عشقي يروّج للتطبيع: السعودية ستنسج علاقات مع إسرائيل

أنور عشقي يروّج للتطبيع: السعودية ستنسج علاقات مع إسرائيل

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لم تكد تمضي ساعات على إطلاق وسم "سعوديون مع التطبيع"، تلك الحملة ظهرت فجأة على موقع "تويتر" من دون أن يُعرف مطلقوها والجهات التي تقف خلفها، حتّى بدأت تلك الدعوة تتخذ طابعًا علنيًّا، وتكشف عن بعض وجوهها. ذلك ما تشي به التصريحات التي أطلقها، اليوم الأربعاء، اللواء السابق في الجيش السعودي، ومدير مركز الشرق الأوسط للدراسات الاستراتيجية، أنور عشقي؛ ذو الباع الطويل في التطبيع مع الكيان الإسرائيلي. 

وراح عشقي، في مقابلة مع موقع "دوتشيه فيليه" الألماني نُشرت اليوم الأربعاء، يروّج للتطبيع مع إسرائيل. وفي ردّ على سؤال حول إن كان توقيع اتفاقية ترسيم الحدود بين مصر والسعودية، بداية للتقارب مع إسرائيل، قال عشقي "لم يكن الهدف من استرداد الجزيرتين إقامة علاقة بين المملكة وإسرائيل، وإنما كان الهدف ترسيم الحدود مع مصر، وعندما رسمت الحدود أصبحت الجزيرتان داخل حدود المملكة، وهذا سيفضي إلى التعامل مع معاهدة كامب ديفيد. أي أن المعاهدة لم تعد مصرية إسرائيلية، وإنما صارت دولية، فمصر والسعودية ستشتركان في السيطرة على الممر الذي تمر منه السفن الإسرائيلية والأردنية وغيرها من السفن التي تمر للبلدين. والمملكة ستنسج علاقة مع إسرائيل، وشرط وجود هذه العلاقة هو موافقة إسرائيل على المبادرة العربية وتطبيقها".

ورأى أنور عشقي، الذي سبق أن زار أكثر من مرّة الأراضي المحتلة، والتقى مسؤولين إسرائيليين، أن السعودية "ستتجه للتطبيع مع إسرائيل بعد تطبيق المبادرة العربية. طرح رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيلية نتنياهو مبادرة أيضا، وهي مختلفة عن المبادرة العربية بشيء قليل، وتُدرس الآن في الولايات المتحدة. بعد ذلك سينظر فيها، فإذا وافق عليها الإخوة الفلسطينيون فأنا على يقين من أن المملكة لن تعترض على ذلك".

وقال إن الفوارق بين المبادرتين، تدور حول أن تجيز "إسرائيل أن يكون هناك دولة فلسطينية على أن تكون على اتحاد كونفيدرالي وبضمان من الأردن ومصر. والنقطة الثانية أن يترك أمر القدس إلى النهاية".

ومضى عشقي قائلاً إن "أهم الأوراق التي تملكها المملكة هي التطبيع مع إسرائيل. هذه أكبر ضمانة الآن لإعطاء الفلسطينيين حقوقهم، لأنه كما تبين لنا في مؤتمر القمة الإسلامي فإن موقف المملكة دليل للدول الإسلامية، فإذا طبّعت المملكة مع إسرائيل سوف تطبع الدول الإسلامية كلها مع إسرائيل، وستكون قد كسرت العزلة بين إسرائيل ودول المنطقة". معتبراً أن "إسرائيل أبدت في هذه المبادرة التي طرحتها نوعا من المرونة في إعطاء الفلسطينيين حقوقهم".

وفي وقت تشنّ فيه حملات سعودية على مختلف منصّات التواصل الاجتماعي، ضدّ التطبيع مع إسرائيل، ورفضاً للقاءات التطبيعية التي يجريها عشقي، زعم الأخير أن "المجتمع السعودي الآن لو نظرنا إلى تغريدات وتعليقات أبنائه نجد أنهم يقولون إن إسرائيل لم يسجل منها عدوان واحد على المملكة".
وكانت صحيفة "هآرتس" الإسرائيلية قد كشفت، في يوليو/تموز الماضي، عن زيارة قام بها عشقي إلى القدس المحتلة، التقى خلالها كلاً من مدير عام وزارة الخارجية دور غولد؛ وهو صديق عشقي منذ وقت طويل، ومسؤول التنسيق الأمني في الضفة الغربية المحتلة، يوآف مردخاي، في فندق الملك داود.
وقالت الصحيفة إن "عشقي حضر إلى إسرائيل مصطحبا معه بعثة أكاديمية ورجال أعمال سعوديّين، التقوا خلال الزيارة الحميمة بمجموعة من أعضاء الكنيست، بهدف تشجيع الخطاب في إسرائيل، حول مبادرة السّلام العربيّة".

(العربي الجديد)

Tuesday, June 27, 2017

الحصاد-إسرائيل ودول "الاعتدال العربي"

الاتجاه المعاكس- مطالب دول الحصار.. استفزازية أم قابلة للتطبيق

تعويض عن عادل الجبير

Al- Jubeir Says: החמאס הוא טרוריסט


حماس ارهابية

Why Hamas was not on the Saudi list of demands for Qatar

Hamas was left off Saudi's list of demands for Qatar. Days earlier, a Fatah strongman made a deal with one of the movement's leaders - only no one else in Hamas knew. Now it threatens to split the movement


By David Hearst


There was one notable omission from the list of 13 demands that Saudi gave Qatar 10 days to fulfil. 
The movement in question is undoubtedly sheltered by Qatar. It grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood and seeks the destruction of the state of Israel. Both the Saudi Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir and US Ambassador Nikki Haley have called on the UN Security Council to list it as a terrorist organisation.
And yet Hamas appears to have dropped off the list presented to Qatar on Friday.
A few days before this list emerged, another curious event took place in Cairo. Mohammed Dahlan, the arch rival of the Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas, and a man bankrolled and sheltered by the Emiratis, was in town to meet two Hamas men, one an elected official. 
Al-Resalah, a Hamas newspaper in Gaza, confirmed the meeting took place but denied that Dahlan himself was present.
In fact, not only was Dahlan - the Fatah strongman who tried to mount a pre-emptive coup against Hamas in Gaza in 2007 - present at the meeting, I am told. More importantly, so was Yahya Sinwar, Hamas’ newly elected leader in Gaza.
Dahlan presented Sinwar with a comprehensive plan, the guts of which was this: “You allow me back into Gaza, and I will ease the blockade on the Egyptian border.” 
A pro-regime Egyptian newspaper Al Fajer, went further: Dahlan, it reported, will lead the government in Gaza, control the crossing with Egypt and Israel and the finance, while Hamas will keep the interior ministry and its employees will be treated as part of the administration. This may not materialise, but it at least shows the direction of travel. 
As the siege imposed on the Egyptian border has been even more brutal than the one imposed by Israel, the offer was tempting. So tempting that Sinwar apparently shook hands on it. Within days, fuel trucks rolled through the crossing point at Rafah.
The only problem with this new arrangement was that the rest of Hamas knew nothing about it.

Four years, one meeting

Sinwar is the leader of Hamas in Gaza. Of the three sections of Hamas - Gaza, the West Bank and the diaspora - Gaza is the most important because it is a de facto state, but it is only one of three. 
It took four years of internal discussion to change its charter. It apparently took one meeting for Sinwar to reverse a policy which has been in existence for 11 years
Above all of them lies the Shura Council which elects the head of the political executive. The current head of the executive is Ismail Haniyeh, who replaced Khaled Meshaal in Doha last month. For the first time in the history of the movement, the head of the political executive lives in Gaza and therefore his movements are restricted by the siege. 
Haniyeh has told associates he knew nothing about Sinwar’s meeting with Dahlan. Still less did he sanction its alleged decision.
But Sinwar’s first action as head of Hamas in Gaza has created an unprecedented crisis for the movement as a whole. Over decades, it has made cautious, deliberate steps and only after lengthy periods of consultation with all parts of the movement.
It took four years of internal discussion to change its charter. It apparently took one meeting for Sinwar to reverse a policy which has been in existence for 11 years, since the siege started.  
An informed source told me: “This is very dangerous and unprecedented for the movement. This is a clear attempt to split Hamas, which ever since 1992, when the brains of the movement moved outside Gaza, made strategic decisions only after extensive collective consultation.
The UAE want to squeeze Turkey and Qatar out of Gaza. Dahlan and the UAE want to deal a blow to the Qatar-Turkish axis by splitting Hamas.”

Courting Trump

Dahlan’s offer to alleviate the siege was both toxic and tempting.
Tony Blair made a similar offer to Khaled Meshaal in a series of talks which I first revealed. Blair offered to lift the siege in return for a hudna (a truce). The talks fell through because neither Israel nor Egypt were behind them. But Meshaal was wary of trading the right, as Hamas sees it, to resist occupation for unlimited supplies of pasta and chocolate.
Abbas and his main Fatah rival, Dahlan, are in a deadly competition for Trump’s affection
This time, conditions in Gaza are far worse. Under threats from Trump, Abbas has told Israel to cut electricity supplies in Gaza from six hours a day to two (it is the Palestinian Authority, not Israel, that pays for the Strip’s electricity). This, and his decision to cut the salaries of PA employees in Gaza and even the salaries of some of Fatah’s own prisoners in Israeli jails, has done huge damage to Abbas’s support.
When a supporter raised a photograph of Abbas in the grounds of Al Aqsa on the day of Eid, a crowd attacked and destroyed the image chanting “traitor, traitor”.
It could be that Abbas feels he has no other choice. Abbas and his main Fatah rival, Dahlan, are in a deadly competition for Trump’s affection.
Dahlan has already tried once to return to Palestine by attempting to stage a reconciliation with Abbas. The Palestinian president rejected this and cut Dahlan’s supporters out of the Fatah central committee. Now Dahlan is trying a new route in through Gaza and Hamas.  
Trump’s statement before more than 50 Arab and Muslim leaders in Riyadh that Hamas was a terrorist organisation, the declared hostility of the Arab states, and now Dahlan’s latest attempt to buy an entry visa from Hamas, all set the context for the meeting with Sinwar.

The Gaza link 

For the moment, both Abbas and Dahlan are serving the Saudi and Emirati interest in wanting to see Hamas cut down to size and to see Qatar’s influence diminish over Gaza. Qatar is the largest international donor to the Strip, pledging $1.3bn for its reconstruction. It pays money directly to workers on construction sites. With an unemployment rate of over 40 percent, that money and that work is the only game in town.
What was the Saudi response to a gesture to soften a negotiating position? To declare Hamas a terrorist organisation
The blockade of Qatar is intimately connected to the siege of Gaza.
Until the Cairo meeting, Hamas as a movement played both sides of Fatah off each other.
On Abbas’s request, Hamas allowed hundreds of Fatah delegates to travel from Gaza to the West Bank, so that they could vote for Abbas’s candidates for the Fatah central committee. This was an operation intended to keep Dahlan and his supporters out of power and out of the West Bank.
By the same token, Hamas sent delegates to a series of meetings in Cairo, which brought them closer to Dahlan. Dahlan and Egypt saw this strategy working.
For Hamas, the lessons of both the Gulf power struggle and the Fatah struggle are bitter.
Hamas had, in fact, just replaced its original charter with a document that recognised Israel's 1967 borders. The movement did this to make it easier for all Palestinian factions to adopt a common position, but also to help the Arab states who were trying to resuscitate the Arab Peace Initiative. What was the Saudi response to a gesture to soften a negotiating position? To declare Hamas a terrorist organisation.
This is in keeping with Fatah’s history. One concession after another was demanded of the party, and they got nothing in return. In the process, they alienated their support which went broadly to Hamas. If Hamas starts to haemorrhage support in the way Fatah did, these people would not go back the way they came. They would swell the ranks of Takfiri groups like the Islamic State group.  
Sinwar emerged from more than 20 years of Israeli prison with the reputation of being a militant hardliner. He was released as part of the prisoner exchange with the captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. 
The attraction of negotiating with him was the same the British felt in opening talks with Michael Collins, the IRA leader and revolutionary hero of the War of Independence. However, Collins became the man who gave the orders to open fire on the four courts in Dublin with artillery shells against his own former men, who formed the anti-Treaty IRA. That kicked off the Irish civil war. 
Does Sinwar want to follow either in Collins’ footsteps or indeed those of Mahmoud Abbas?
David Hearst is editor-in-chief of Middle East Eye. He was chief foreign leader writer of The Guardian, former Associate Foreign Editor, European Editor, Moscow Bureau Chief, European Correspondent, and Ireland Correspondent. He joined The Guardian from The Scotsman, where he was education correspondent.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.